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Life in Camp: Newspaper Stories and other First Hand Accounts

In the above first-hand accounts, a number of topics come up that indicate shared experiences could have different interpretations. Food was mentioned by a number of men. George Remley wrote that at the beginning of their time in camp, food was prepared for them. They were issued a plate, knife, and fork at camp and marched to the kitchen to collect their food. It is clear the quartermaster intended for the young men to bulk up quickly. For dinner, the big meal at noon, they received a drinking cup full of sweetened coffee and their plates were filled with a stew of sorts consisting of boiled beef, potatoes, and broth mixed together, and a large piece of bread on top. George didn’t call it stew and he seemed unfamiliar with the nature of the meal. Supper and Breakfast were the same without the potatoes and broth. He added the amount of food was quite large and sometimes they could only eat half of what they were served. He noted the bread and meat were good. He said the men were to cook for themselves as soon as enough kettles became available. Lycurgus added that this would begin in two days. The men were to cook in a mess of eight men. In his Tuesday letter, the day after they went into quarters at the camp officially registering their presence as ordered, he said that they were to commence cooking rations on Thursday. Standard rations that Lycurgus expected to begin to cook were beans, rice and potatoes, and they would receive staples including salt, sugar, and coffee. In other words, all things that would travel well. At Camp Pope they ate their meals standing at a folding counter along the side of their barracks. The counter was a board attached to the wall of the barracks with hinges that allowed it to be raised for use and put away as needed. It bothered George that they didn’t say a blessing when they ate. He noted with some dismay that he had to wash and take care of his own dishes. They expected to be able to save surplus food and exchange it for vegetables and other things of more variety. ³⁰

Taylor Pierce wrote about a victualing house at the beginning of the rendezvous where the food was boiled beef with vegetables and good bread. He recalled the coffee was strong enough to “bear an Iron wedge.” Switzer recalled the cooks were greasy and disheveled, which didn’t inspire his appetite. Long after the war, Thomas D. Davis, who appears in the official record as Davies, a variant of his Welsh name, also recalled the food. He agreed they had baker’s break and boiled beef, but he found the sweetened coffee was actually weakly brewed. He also recalled that after they began their own cooking, the food was usually bean soup with either crackers, rice, or rarely potatoes. The men frequently ate bean soup in the field. Davis related an amusing ditty, The Bean Song, that was sung most often by John H. Gearkee, who was promoted from Captain of Company B to Major of the regiment in 1864. ³¹

The Bean Song

Beans for Breakfast
Beans for Dinner
Beans for Supper
Beans, Beans, Beans , Beans

Some of the men described the barracks at Camp Pope. George Remley said the barracks were designed to sleep 96 men. The bunks were 6 ½ ft long by 4 to 5 ft wide and were arranged in three tiers with a total of sixteen bunks. The men had to sleep two to a bunk. The bunks had straw on the bottom and two quilts on top. They had to make do with their coats and “carpet sacks” for pillows. He noted that bed clothes were provided by the citizens of Iowa City. A correspondent with the Iowa City Weekly Republican who signed his letters “28th Iowa” thought these barracks were quite comfortable, much more so than those latter occupied at Camp Herron in Davenport. S. C. Jones noted in his diary that the barracks and accompanying buildings were arranged to support the comfort and convenience of the men. In contrast to these accounts, William P. Marvin found the barracks at Benton Barracks more comfortable than at Camp Pope. Long after the war, Civil War veteran T. D. Davis told the Iowa City Press-Citizen that the barracks had “tier upon tier” of wooden bunks with enough space to hold a whole company. ³²

As a training camp, it is not surprising that several of the men mention drilling and turning out for dress parade every day. Lycurgus Remley wrote that he had to drill for three hours one evening, one as a sergeant. Taylor Pierce said they were required to drill for five hours a day or until too tired to continue. S. C. Jones wrote that they had drills every day in companies, squadrons of two companies each, and at the full regimental level. This would have been about 1,000 men drilling at the same time. Jones also noted the use of wooden practice weapons for drills before they were issued live weapons and that to the raw recruits like himself, they were formidable weapons. Some of the men in camp had carved them. Jacob Switzer recalled the wooden weapons as well. He recalled they trained with wooden bayonets and the officers with wooden swords before being issued live weapons. The long guns used for small arms at this time didn’t have a magazine and took more time to reload than chambered weapons with the capacity for multiple rounds of ammunition and it generally required the men to stand while doing it. A unit might advance using volley fire, but at times just keeping a solid line and advancing was challenging. A primary tactic from the beginning of the war was to use as much natural cover as possible to get close enough to the opposing force to rapidly overrun their position, kill or capture the opposing soldiers and any artillery, and disrupt their ability to fire upon the remainder of the attacking forces. Soldiers needed to know as much about close combat using bayonets, the butt of a gun stock for striking, and the side of the barrel for defense as they did to aim and shoot the weapon. John Myers wrote of daily drilling as well as Samuel Pryce who recalled that drills were performed at squad, company, and battalion level. Ephraim Blake recalled drilling with the Twenty-Eighth Iowa in various company and regimental drills and “getting our schooling in the Manual of Arms.” ³³

Dress parade occurred daily for formal inspection and to relay orders or instructions and passages from the Manual of Arms were read out. Sometimes discipline would be carried out during the proceedings. John Myers noted dress parade meant the men had to have everything polished and in order for official inspection. He said the men at dress parade looked clean and as “bright as you wish.” Jacob Switzer recalled the parade and drill grounds were located on both sides of the railroad grade, mentioning Samuel Kirkwood’s house as a focal point. Although the legislature met in Des Moines, Kirkwood retained his permanent residence in Iowa City throughout his two terms as governor. Samuel Pryce stated everyone at dress parade was clean and their uniforms and equipment polished. He added that during dress parade the men marched from their quarters and the regiment formed a battle line with the right anchored on Summit Street, facing the railroad. This official review occurred daily at 6 pm. The colonel read from the manual of arms and then the adjutant would read the Declaration of Independence. Pryce estimated that as many as 10,000 people gathered to watch the daily ceremony, which likely is an exaggeration. Switzer thought the number to be in the thousands. The Iowa City Weekly Republican estimated around 4,000 civilians attended the last dress parade before the Twenty-Second boarded the train to leave for the war, which was recalled by many people in Johnson County as a noteworthy event. ³⁴

Beyond the above first-hand accounts of some of the soldiers, details about camp life are reported by contemporary newspapers and the later recollections of others who had been at the camp. Both the Democratic and Republican papers carried news from the camp in 1862, and portrayed the soldiers and their endeavor as significant and honorable. Based on the newspaper reporting, many aspects of life went on as usual for the soldiers while they trained at Camp Pope.

The men of the Twenty-Eighth and Fortieth Iowa voted in elections and all the men at Camp Pope were offered protestant Christian worship services. The soldiers of the Twenty-Eighth and Fortieth Iowa voted in the 1862 elections for Iowa Secretary of State and Iowa Fourth Congressional District. Both regiments favored the Republican Candidates in these elections. The Twenty-Eighth Iowa voted for Wright 362 votes to 146 for Sylvester. Sylvester had some notoriety in town as the editor of the Iowa City State Democratic Press. The margin of victory was 216 votes or about 43 percent of the votes cast. Their vote in the United States House of Representatives election was Grinnell 362 to 147 for Martin. The margin of victory there was 215 votes or about 42 percent of the total votes. Josiah B. Grinnell was a prominent abolitionist who founded the town of Grinnell, Iowa. The Fortieth Iowa voted more narrowly for the Republican candidates, with the outcome of James Wright 295 to 281 for Sylvester in the Secretary of State race and Grinnell 292 to 265 for Martin in the US House race. The margin of victory here was just 14 or slightly more than two percent for Wright and 27 or and approaching five percent for Grinnell. ³⁵ 

Many of the men attended religious services. Protestant Christian pastors from across Iowa City offered their services to lead worship at the camp. Reverend Hebard of the Stone Presbyterian Church once located on Burlington Street preached at Camp Pope on Sunday, August 25 to an audience of 2,500 soldiers and civilians. The congregation of the Stone Church was of the New School Presbyterian sect and openly anti-slavery. A number of other ministers followed suit, writing Harvey Graham as the commanding officer of the camp in October to offer their ministries as well. This included Baptist, Lutheran, Methodist Episcopal, German Methodist Episcopal, Congregational, Protestant Episcopal, and German Evangelical Lutheran churches. Graham wrote to accept their offer on the same day. ³⁶

The camp was a large part of the life of Johnson County civilians for the few months it was occupied. Jennie Shrader Wilson, brother of Dr. J. C. Shrader, who mustered into Company H as Captain and was promoted to regimental surgeon of the Twenty-Second Iowa in 1864, recalled the women of Iowa City would go to Camp Pope every morning with food for the soldiers as an exercise in getting accustomed to the idea that orders for the men to go into the field would come at any point. Al Moore, a former resident who spoke to the Johnson County Old Setters Association in 1919 recalled daily visits to the camp as a boy with his grandmother and aunts and seeing guard houses, white tents, and armed soldiers who, he emphatically noted, left in box cars and not Pullmans. He also recalled his childhood friend John Shalla had joined the Twenty-Second Iowa as a drummer boy and that he was excited when John was able to return on furlough his inspiring uniform and describe the events of the attack on Vicksburg, which the young musician scratched into the soft earth with a stick. Newton Parvin, son of Johnson County notable Theodore Parvin, recalled how the young boys in Iowa City wanted to join a regiment and formed their own company. One officer, A. B. Cree of the Twenty-Second Iowa, fashioned wooden guns for the boys who drilled with them every day just like the men of the regiment. They had been warmly welcomed at Camp Fremont at the old fair ground the previous year. They had drilled with the companies at Camp Fremont and stayed overnight, worrying their mothers. The following year at Camp Pope, William Miller, who commanded the Twenty-Eighth Iowa, gave the boys much attention. Harvey Graham, who was in charge of the camp before Miller and was commanding officer of the Twenty-Second Iowa during the rendezvous, organized the boys’ drills, which was remarked upon in historical accounts. Soldiers came to the homes of some Iowa City residents to recover from illness. John Springer, nephew of a soldier at the camp, recalled a convalescing soldier had stayed at their house during the rendezvous. He lived about a mile from the camp and with the associations to that soldier and his Uncle, he found it easy to get into the camp. His uncle was worried the eleven-year-old boy would try to enlist or run away to the war in some fashion. When John contracted measles, probably from the ill soldier, he was no longer welcome at the camp even after he recovered. Frank Luse who also was a boy in 1862 recalls being taken down to see the men of the Twenty-Second Iowa board the train near the site of the O. S. Kelley Western Manufacturing plant, a facility of multiple buildings that stood off Sheridan Avenue on the west side of Ralston Creek. ³⁷ 

As with any encampment during the Civil War, diseases infected the soldiers at Camp Pope. Crowded conditions combined with an incomplete understanding of sanitation both in food safety and communicable disease. This meant illness was everpresent. Many still believed that bad air was imbued with miasmas that emitted from smelly rotting organic material. It was generally thought that miasmas caused illness rather than contagious elements that we now know to include bacteria, viruses, and parasites that are spread by contaminated food and water or hand contact in addition to sneezes and coughs and insects. Common diseases during the war included diarrhea or dysentery and typhoid fever which could cause intestinal hemorrhages and pneumonitis, swelling of lung tissue. Typhus was common as was pneumonia, measles or scarlet fever along with strep throat, small pox and chicken pox, and breakbone or dengue fever. Other diseases were common with wounds that allowed infection with bacteria but no known deaths from wounds occurred at Camp Pope. Based on reports in Iowa City newspapers, the most common diseases at Camp Pope were measles and typhoid. ³⁸ 

As predicted by William P. Marvin’s historic accounts mentioned earlier, disease was worse than combat for the soldiers. The surgeon general of the United States Army stated the numbers as minimally 44,238 killed in action, 49,205 deaths due to general wounds or 93,443 due to battle wounds and 186,216 deaths due to disease or twice as many deaths due to disease than due to combat.³⁹

Colonel William Miller was sick for several days in October 1862. He was joined by several men from the Twenty-Eighth Iowa including John O. Marsh of Company E from Jasper County who died on September 25th of typhoid along with another man who remained unnamed. In October, two men unnamed by the newspapers died at the hospital in camp, one of typhoid and the other undetermined. Another man, C. Martin of Company A, Fortieth Iowa, died of typhoid in camp on December 14. Henry Haines of Company K, Fortieth Iowa from Benton County died from measles the last week of November. Letters written from soldiers corresponding with newspapers give an indication of just how severe illness was in the units. One private correspondent for the State Democratic Press serving with the Twenty-Second Iowa reported from Rolla, Missouri that the health of the men was good even with around 20 men in the hospital. Correspondent “Jeff” for the Iowa City Weekly Republican echoed these sentiments. Separately, an official report printed on October 22 stated about 50 were sick in quarters and observed that the condition of the regiment was good. Based on an anonymous letter from an officer to the Iowa City Weekly Republican, it appears that most of those who were ill had measles they most likely contracted at Camp Pope. ⁴⁰ 

Officers who became ill often returned home on medical leave. For instance, Miller was allowed to return to Iowa in March 1863 after he contracted an unspecified disease in Arkansas. It is possible he had not fully recovered at Camp Pope but equally so, he could have become ill with something new. In contrast, Samuel Yutzy, a soldier with the Twenty-Eighth Iowa, was sick for about 11 months in a military hospital after that same hard winter in camp at Helena. 41 

Women of secure status from Iowa’s communities formed Ladies’ Aid Societies to provide clothing, blankets. and food items to the Iowa volunteer soldiers. These Civil War era women’s alliances were the forerunner of what became known as the The Department of Iowa Woman’s Relief Corps that appears to date to the 1880s. They began by making uniforms for the volunteers of the First Iowa during the summer of 1861. The societies formed in parallel to the state sanitary commission that was organized in October 1861. The Iowa City Republican reprinted a report from the state sanitary commission that noted there were 186 soldiers aid societies across Iowa by June 1862 including the women of Iowa City. To support their efforts, they made several calls for donations of items and money for this purpose. Additionally, the society hosted a number of social activities with entertainment including lectures, concerts, festivals, dime-social raffles, which was a type of literary social event centered on mass-printed novels and tableaux vivants, which is French for living picture and was a popular type of static theatrical performance. From August, the Ladies Soldier’s Aid Society of Iowa City met to organize aid for the soldiers at Camp Pope. The officers of the aid societies were all married women and as typical for the time, they were only listed with their husbands names, but they can be traced using vital statistics. The leaders of the group included Abigail Brainerd, Fanny Fracker, Julia Musser, Mary Cochrane, Lucy Harrison, Edith McConnell, and Sarah Trowbridge. Many of them had family members who had volunteered or were otherwise involved in the war effort. ⁴² 

A call went out from the Ladies’ Soldiers’ Aid Society for people to donate “comfortables and hen’s feathers” for the sick at the hospital. They effectively were asking for warm quilts and no doubt intended to make pillows with the feathers. Members of the society as well as those of other societies and some people not in any of the organizations donated generously including the requested bedding as well as hundreds of pairs of trousers, underwear, shirts, socks, mittens, and sheets, pillow cases, sick gowns and slippers. Food items included a keg of eggs, canned, dried, and jellied fruit, onions, vegetables, wheat and other cereals, and wine, coffee, tea, and cocoa. Other items of comfort and general aid included clothing pins, paper, pencils, soap, and tobacco. Medicinal balm and a number of herbs thought to be medicinal were donated, including slippery elm bark, catnip, hops, sage, summer savory, and pennyroyal. ⁴³ 

As the regiments moved to the field, the women of the Soldiers’ Aid Society prepared care packages to the Iowa regiments closer to the front. Large trunks or boxes were filled with items and shipped to Iowa regiments. They sent their first care box to the Tenth Iowa in December 1861. Despite some of the items getting lost or sent to another location, the aid of the women was noted as helpful by the physicians who cared for the soldiers, especially while they were at Camp Pope. For example, the medical staff of the Twenty-Second Iowa printed a thank you note to the Iowa City Women’s Soldier’s Aid Society in the Iowa City State Democratic Press. ⁴⁴

An aid society was one way for women to help during the war and generally these women were more affluent and had sufficient resources and time to spend time volunteering to aid the soldiers. This was not true for many farming wives during the war. Many of the men who volunteered came from farms, sometimes their own. As most Iowans who have farm life in their family history know, women have long contributed to the labor on Iowa’s farms but this fact was especially the case during the Civil War. At the time, farmwork was a very physically demanding task. Many healthy families hired extra hands, especially at planting and harvest time. Most of these farmhands were young men. During the war, many of these men enlisted to fight for the Union. This left women with more work than was typical. One woman, whose husband and farmhands enlisted, found herself working for pay to make ends meet. Eliza Yutzy worked in the field during the harvest. She was made a full farmhand after a short time and had the job of following men who were scything grain. She followed after the harvesters and bound the sheaves for two dollars per day. Over winter she received a dollar and fifty cents per day to husk corn, which was often in deep snow. Sarah Kenyon also worked in the field after their hand quit and joined up. Her husband was partially disabled and the recruiting officers refused to take him. Even with him at home, Sarah and even her children had to work to bring in the crops. Her husband ran the scythe with its cradle, the children raked, and Sarah bound the sheaves. Families like the Kenyon’s stood in contrast to wealthier farmers who patronized advertisements in Iowa City papers for mechanical farm implements like reaper-mowers and threshing machines. ⁴⁵

No Black Men trained at Camp Pope. It took special considerations before the leaders of the Iowa militia, the Governor and the Iowa Adjutant General, accepted Black men in the state military. Iowa’s constitution specifically defined the state’s militia as all able bodied white male citizens between 18 and 45 years old. Notably, the Thirty-Seventh Iowa “Graybeards” regiment, which enlisted men in their 40s through 70s, had little trouble getting permission from the governor to form a regiment. The policy of the US Army also played no small part in this discrimination. Black men would only gain numerous rights in Iowa at long last in 1868 after the ratification of the 14th amendment to the United States Constitution. These rights included becoming citizens and being required and bestowed with the duty and privilege to be in the militia, which signified citizenship. Even after the Emancipation Proclamation of 1863 specified the men it emancipated were eligible for military service, segregation of Black troops in the US Army continued. ⁴⁶

This did not stop Iowa men of color from volunteering during the Civil War and seven companies out of the 10 necessary for a regiment were organized at Keokuk in 1863. The regiment mustered into the Iowa militia under the name First Iowa Infantry Regiment, Colored, which was then mustered into federal service with the additional three companies at St. Louis as the Sixtieth Regiment, United States Colored Troops. Most of these Iowa men were recent arrivals from the south, self-emancipated or freed by Lincoln’s proclamation, but also included some notable long-term Iowa residents, including the regiment’s primary proponent, Alexander Clark, a barber and real estate dealer from Muscatine as well as George V. Black from Washington County, and George Butler from Cedar Falls who had wanted to join the cavalry but had to settle for the infantry. As with all Iowa regiments, the officers of the Black First Iowa and Black Sixtieth US Regiment were white. ⁴⁷ 

First Colored Regiment of Iowa Flag. “1st Iowa or 60th US Flag.” State Historical Society of Iowa, accession number 2001.071.009 https://www.blackmeninlincolnblue.com/tag/in-the-news/

The entire issue of allowing Black men to fight was a microcosm of the broader issues that had surrounded slavery and emancipation up to that point. As with the prevailing opinion about Black laborers, many Northern officers thought that Black Men were not going to make good soldiers, they wrongly thought that black men were going to be lazy or incompetent, but on a more pointed note, allowing Black men to fight for the cause of the United States challenged broader stereotypes about what it meant to be a white man and a citizen of the United States. Ultimately, the men of the First Iowa Colored Infantry, now commonly called the First Iowa Infantry, African Descent, proved their bravery in battle at the engagement at Wallace Creek where predominantly Black federal troops held off a much larger force before making an organized retreat. The Sixtieth US lost their adjutant, three men were killed and 10 wounded. It is worth mentioning that Confederate forces executed black prisoners. ⁴⁸

_____

notes for page 5

30. Julie Holcomb, editor, Southern Sons, Northern Soldiers, 2004, page 4 (Return ↩)

31. Richard L. Kiper, editor, Dear Catharine, Dear Taylor, 2002, page 23; “A Fact a Day About Iowa City: War Memoirs,” Iowa City Press-Citizen, July 3, 1934, page 4; Iowa Adjutant General, “Twenty-Second Regiment Iowa Volunteer Infantry,” Roster and Record of Iowa Soldiers, volume 3, 1910, page 593 (Return ↩)

32. Julie Holcomb, editor, Southern Sons, Northern Soldiers, 2004, pages 4–5; Records of the Iowa City Weekly Republican newspaper cited in [Clarence] Ray Aurner, Leading Events in Johnson County, Iowa History, volume 1, 1912, page 535; [Samuel Calvin] Jones, Reminiscences, 1907, page 7; William Marvin to his brother and sister, September 13, 1862, September 13, 1862, November 4, 1862, William P. Marvin Civil War Letters 1862–1863, State Historical Society of Iowa, Manuscripts BL 330Folder 18, page 1; “A Fact a Day About Iowa City: Encamped Near City,”Iowa City Press-Citizen, May 11, 1934 page 8 [7 in scanned copy, page 2 missing]
(Return ↩)

33. Julie Holcomb, editor, Southern Sons, Northern Soldiers, 2004, page 5; [Samuel Calvin] Jones, Reminiscences, 1907, page 8; Ephraim E. Blake, A Succinct History of the 28th Iowa Volunteer, Infantry, Belle Plaine: Union Press, 1896, page 2 https://archive.org/details/succincthistoryo00blak/ (Return ↩)

34. Jeffry Burden, editor, Samuel D. Pryce, Vanishing Footprints, 2008, pages 51–52; Mildred Throne, “Document: Reminiscences of Jacob C. Switzer of the 22nd lowa”, 1957, page 321; Iowa City Weekly Republican, September 17th, 1862, page 3 (Return ↩)

35. State Democratic Press (Iowa City), Saturday, October 18th, 1862, page 3; State Democratic Press (Iowa City), November 8th, 1862, page 2 (Return ↩)

36. Iowa City Weekly Republican, August 27th, 1862, page 3; Iowa City Republican, October 8, 1862, page 3 (Return ↩)

37. “A Fact a Day About Iowa City: Encamped Near City,” Iowa City Press-Citizen, May 11, 1934 page 8 [page 7 in scanned copy, page 2 missing]; Al Moore, “Revisiting Iowa City After Fifty Years,” Annual Reunion for 1919, Old Settlers Association Yearbooks, 1866–1925, Coralville: Johnson County Historical Society, [1920], pages 8, 12–13 [images 794, 798–799] https://catalog.hathitrust.org/Record/102881999; Newton R. Parvin, “Extracts from an Address Delivered at the Old Settlers’ Association, September 13, 1912,” Annual Reunion for 1919, Old Settlers Association Yearbooks, 1866–1925, Coralville: Johnson County Historical Society, [1920], page 18 [image 804]; John Springer, “Reminiscences,” Annual Reunion for 1924–1925, [1926], page 18 [image 968]. Springer’s uncle may have been Corporal John C. Springer of Millersburg, Company I, Twenty-Eighth Iowa. (Return ↩)

38. Michael R. Gilchrist, “Disease & Infection in the American Civil War,” The American Biology Teacher, volume 60, number, 4, 1998, pages 258–26 https://www.jstor.org/stable/4450468 (Return ↩)

39. United States. Surgeon-General’s Office, The Medical and Surgical History of the War of the Rebellion (1861–65), volume 1, frontmatter, Washington: Government Printing Office, 1870, pages xxxvi–xxxvii [images 46, 47] https://catalog.hathitrust.org/Record/012323251 (Return ↩)

40. Iowa City Weekly Republican, October 15, 1862, page 3; Iowa City Weekly Republican, October 8, 1862, page 3; State Democratic Press (Iowa City), October 4th, 1862, page 3; State Democratic Press (Iowa City), November 29th, 1862, page 3; State Democratic Press (Iowa City), December 20th, 1862, page 3; Iowa City Weekly Republican, Wednesday, October 22nd, 1862, page 1 (Return ↩)

41. “Chief Justice Miller Dead,” Des Moines Register, November 10, 1897, page 1; “Women in War Times,” Iowa State Press (Iowa City), December 26th, 1900, page 2 (Return ↩)

42. Iowa Weekly Republican (Iowa City), January 1st, 1862, page 3, Note that the masthead and title of the paper changed in 1862, refer to the Directory of U.S. Newspapers in American Libraries, Library of Congress https://www.loc.gov/item/sn82014133/; Iowa City Republican, June 18th, 1862, page 6; Iowa Citizen (Iowa City), August 25th, 1893, page 8; United States Census 1860; Ancestry Find-A-Grave memorials; for more on Iowa Women’s Relief core, refer to “Department of Iowa Woman’s Relief Corps (Iowa WRC) collection, University of Iowa Special Collections and Archives https://aspace.lib.uiowa.edu/repositories/4/archival_objects/950020 (Return ↩)

43. “Ladies Festival,” and “Wanted.—,”Iowa City Weekly Republican, October 8, 1862, page 3; “Report of the Ladies’ Soldiers’ Aid Society of Iowa City,” State Democratic Press (Iowa City), November 8th, 1862, page 4; [Eliza H.] Brainerd, “Their Nobel Work,” address made to the Johnson County Old Settler’s Association, reprinted in the Iowa Citizen (Iowa City), August 25th, 1893, page 8, Her name is given in the Iowa State Census, 1885 (Return ↩)

44. “A Card,” State Democratic Press (Iowa City), October 4, 1862, page 3 (Return ↩) 

45. “Women in War Times,” Iowa State Press (Iowa City), December 26th, 1900, page 2; Sarah Kenyon to unnamed recipients, October 11, 1861 and October 9, 1862, “Letters of John and Sarah Kenyon,” Iowa Farm Letters, 1857–1865, Cedar Falls: University of Northern Iowa, Iowa Exploration in Iowa History Project, 2003 https://iowahist.uni.edu/Frontier_Life/Farm_Letters/letters_of_john_and_sarah_kenyon.htm; ads for McCormick, Ball’s Ohio, and Molly Stark reaper-mowers and Pitt’s Thrashing Machine, Iowa City Weekly Republican, August 27th, 1862, page 3 (Return ↩)

46. Article VI–Militia, Iowa State Constitution amendments with amendments, Iowa Secretary of State, 1893, page 20 https://publications.iowa.gov/9996/1/iowa_constitution_1857002.pdf, This article was amended in 1868 to allow all men aged 18 to 40; The Thirty-Seventh Iowa, Greybeard Regiment, authorized in August 1862 by Samuel Kirkwood and promulgated under General Order 89, allowed only men over 45 for garrison duty, “State of Iowa, Iowa Adjutant General’s Office, General Order 89,” State Democratic Press (Iowa City), Saturday, August 30th, 1862, page 2 (Return ↩) 

47. John E. Briggs, J., “The Enlistment of Iowa Troops During the Civil War”, The Iowa Journal of History and Politics, volume 15, number 3, 1917, page 330 https://pubs.lib.uiowa.edu/ijhp/article/id/32428/; Samuel Day has been noted elsewhere for having a dark complexion, however census takers for the US Census records for 1860 and 1880 recorded his race as white. Refer to Tony Klingensmith “Samuel Day of the 22nd Iowa, ” Chapter 1, “Iowa in the Civil War,” https://iowa-counties.com/civilwar/SamuelDay/chap1.htm; The military service clause in the Emancipation Proclamation reads “And I further declare and make known, that such persons of suitable condition, will be received into the armed service of the United States to garrison forts, positions, stations, and other places, and to man vessels of all sorts in said service.” Abraham Lincoln, President, Emancipation Proclamation, Transcript of the Proclamation, January 1, 1863, National Archives, May 5, 2017, https://www.archives.gov/exhibits/featured-documents/emancipation-proclamation/transcript.html(Return ↩)

48. David Broadnax, Sr., “‘Will They Fight? Ask the Enemy’: Iowa’s African American Regiment in the Civil War,” The Annals of Iowa, volume 66, number 3–4, 2007, page 274, 285. 286 https://doi.org/10.17077/0003-4827.1140; Leslie A. Schwalm, Emancipation’s Diaspora, 2009, pages 109, 133. For more on this regiment, see https://iagenweb.org/civilwar/regiment/infantry/01stA/history.htm (Return ↩)